Defense Attorney Feygin: By saving Savchenko, we’ll be able to solve other prisoners’ problems. #FreeSavchenko

By Anastasiya Ringris, Ukrayinska Pravda
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

On May 11, 2015, aviatrix Nadiya Savchenko spent her birthday in the “Matrosskaya Tishina” detention center.

A weekend. No gifts or visits.

Shortly before this, her case was separated from a general case on war crimes in Donbas, which includes about 60 defendants, including [Ihor] Kolomoisky [former Governor of Dnipropetrovsk region], Arsen Avakov [the Minister of Internal Affairs], Valery Geletey [former Minister of Defense], and the commanders of volunteer battalions.

Despite a decision by the European Parliament calling for Russia’s release of the PACE delegate Savchenko, the Investigative Committee of Russia has extended the investigation for six more months.

International pressure, including the activity of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the U.S. House of Representatives, which approved the new text of a resolution regarding Savchenko, indicates [that there will be] a new round of sanctions against Russia and its officials.

But it seems few people care about this in the Kremlin.

Mark Feygin, the defense attorney for the Ukrainian pilot, says that everyone involved in Savchenko’s case in the Kremlin and at the detention center are well aware that the case of the Ukrainian pilot is a farce, but continue to play their designated roles.

We met with Mark Feygin on Ostrozhenka Street [in downtown Moscow].

An infamos lawyer, known as a defense counsel to Pussy Riot, he is waiting outside. With a nod, he invites [me] to a completely deserted “Geraldine” restaurant.

Feygin looks like he is ready to defend his clients beyond the limits of the law. He is wearing Neo’s sunglasses from “The Matrix.” And he feels like a member of the resistance movement against the “system.”

He talks quite casually about wiretapping and the fact that he might end up being suspected of extremism.

“Savchenko’s case could be my last. But I am ready for any turn of events. I have defended a lot of people, and I know that I will be revenged. They will kill everyone,” said the lawyer, narrowing his eyes.

It seems that he is referring to the nationalists, with whom he keeps in touch. He did represent the founder of the “Combat Organization of Russian Nationalists” (BORN) Ilya Goryachev alongside with Nikolai Polozov.

Tell me, when was the last time you saw Nadiya? How is she feeling?

– We met on Friday, May 8th [2015]. She feels good.

Originally, she was a sturdy woman, not at all frail. Her weight fluctuated between 75-77 kg [165-169 lbs] and now she weighs 52 kg [114 lbs]. This is a direct result of her hunger strike.

At the moment, her body is truly unable to digest food. Even though she is now fed liquid foods. Her peristalsis [muscular contraction that moves the food down esophagus] has been disrupted, and her esophagus and stomach are not prepared to digest solid food after so many days of hunger strike. She will have to spend a significant amount of time to restore her health back.

Recently, you visited Washington D.C. to meet with the U.S. congressmen regarding Savchenko’s case. Can you share the results of your trip?

– This is my second trip to the U.S. on behalf of Savchenko. I met with congressmen and senators, mostly from the Ukrainian caucus, which works closely with the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States. A dozen congressmen and several senators attended the meeting.

We were received at the highest level. Maria Ivanovna Savchenko (Nadiya’s mother) and myself met with Samantha Power.

Nadiya's mother Maria with Samantha  Power, April 22, 2015. Source.

Nadiya’s mother Maria with US Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power, April 22, 2015. Source. Readout of meeting.

There were informal meetings to discuss a political program of support to Savchenko. All these meetings took place to ensure that the resolution passed all stages of ratification.

What will it accomplish?

– It will [officially] name Savchenko a prisoner of war. Because the term hostage is still being used to define her status.

The Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols definitely characterize Nadiya as a prisoner of war. With this status, any proceeding in Russia’s general courts will be impossible.

I think this is one of the ways to release Savchenko.

How strong is Savchenko’s lobby? What do the Congressmen say?

– They all understand that Savchenko is not guilty, they realize that she has become a part of political bargaining. They maintain a pro-Ukrainian position on Crimea and the persons who were illegally transported to the territory of Russia.

Do you have the exact figure, how many Ukrainians are now held in detention centers on the territory of Russia?

– Around 10 people, and according to my unconfirmed reports, up to 30 people.

These could be soldiers, operatives of Ukrainian special services, because I know that there are espionage charges [against them].

Every time we are confronted with new information. And completely random people.

For example, a retiree who went to visit his acquiantances in Crimea and got detained. Mykola Karpyuk, one of the leaders of the UNA-UNSO, who was detained on March 6 at the border with the Bryansk region, is currently in Vladikavkaz. It is very difficult to get to Karpyuk right now. We are working on it.

Plus a case of Crimean “terrorists” ­­– Sentsov, Kolchenko, Cherniy, and Afanasyev. Cherniy and Afanasyev, who cooperate with the investigation, were sentenced to 7 years. Sentsov [the filmmaker] faces up to 20 years. These detainees are under the FSB investigation, which has a military court jurisdiction starting this year.

With which Ukrainian agencies do you work on Savchenko’s case? How effective is this work?

– [We work] with relevant government agencies on both the legal as well as political issues. We get the documents for Savchenko’s case from the investigation carried out by the SSU [Security Service of Ukraine] in Kyiv.

All evidence of [her] innocence, obtained by investigators in Kyiv, we managed to cite in her case. The most critical [part] has been done – the cell phone billing data prove that she was captured two hours before the death of the Russian journalists.

This evidence is absolutely exhaustive. We have officially submitted it to the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine in accordance with the legal aid agreement.

In addition, we submitted interrogatories of Savchenko’s colleagues – Siyneovskyi, Gvozdykovskyi, and her sister Vira Savchenko, who was a participant of those events and was also captured.

Vira Savchenko at a rally. Photo: Artem Slipachuk, The Day.

Vira Savchenko at a rally. Photo: Artem Slipachuk, The Day.

Moreover, we received documents regarding Moretskiy, who claimed that Savchenko abused him. The billing of his cellphone that we received [conclusively] proved that at the time he was beaten by Savchenko according to his version of events, she was at a military unit in Brody [town in Sumy region, eastern Ukraine].

Everyone understands that there is no corpus delicti in the actions of Savchenko. Her case consists of 24 volumes each 300 pages long.

What does the investigation charge her with? How do they word it?

– The final version lists three charges. The first charge is aiding and abetting in the murder of two and more persons. The investigators have now removed the wording that the individuals were killed while performing their professional duties.

The second charge is attempted murder, alleging that she wanted to kill five civilians from Aidar [Battalion’s] firing positions. They did not die but escaped from the place [she] fired at and thus survived.

The wording implies that Savchenko allegedly climbed a 40-meter match in the vicinity of Stukalova Balka [Luhansk region], and from there, she observed the village of Metalist from binoculars and adjusted artillery fire. At that very same time she was held captive at the military office of the Zarya battalion [of the Luhansk People’s Republic], as evidenced by the billing.

The third charge is the illegal crossing of the state border. Allegedly, Savchenko was released by the Zarya militiamen on June 23, 2014, and then she independently entered the territory of Voronezh region [of Russia], where she was detained.

Understanding well the political context, in your opinion, what are the realistic scenarios of the development of events?

– This is not a procedural, legal case, but rather an exclusively political matter.

If it were decided in a procedural manner, the independent court – like an arbiter – would have let her go a long time ago based on the multitude of exculpatory evidence of her innocence.

But there is some political will of Putin’s to bring this process to an end and convict Savchenko. This will is so severe that there’s no other way.

It is quite easy to understand this case. It is obvious that Nadiya Savchenko, and not only she, has become a hostage of Russia.

They can no longer release her just by law. Because then, by law, nobody would have annexed Crimea.

You are criticized for excessive publicity of this case. If it had been less public, would other solutions have been possible? Perhaps at some point it was possible to win back the situation?

– I was criticized for interfereing with procedural matters to prove Nadiya’s innocence. While Russia illegally took over the function of universal [court of] justice, undertaking to judge a crime committed on the territory of another state.

Yes, Article 12 of the Criminal Code [of Russia] allows them to proceed when it comes to crimes against Russian citizens and the interests of Russia.

That is, the critics insisted that we needed to maintain that Russia had violated the jurisdiction, because it was not clear [at the time] whether Russian citizens were the object of her assault. In addition, Nadiya was fulfilling her oath and her duty, and theoretically could have been involved in the death of some people as a servicewoman.

We chose a different strategy – an active proof of her innocence.

What can such a strategy lead to, if you say that Putin has taken a resolute decision to imprison Savchenko at any cost?

– Putin wanted to use Savchenko as a propaganda tool. But the tool has appeared to have an opposite effect.

Absolutely everyone will know that she is not guilty, regardless of the court decision. Our publicity and openness have accomplished this.

It’s such an omerta, a conspiracy. Everyone knows that she is not guilty, but everyone will keep quiet and pretend that she is.

They [the authorities] will act as if something is being resolved here, that justice exists. And my strategy is to call white, white, and black – black. There is no justice in Russia, and I say it as it is.

I’m not trying to play along with the Russian authorities in their decorative productions. I’m not trying to play their games. And I try not worry about my future.

The paradox is that this is the only way to help Savchenko.

At the same time, the case of Oleg Sentsov is now in production. Can you say that it attracts this much attention? Can you imagine, that he was initially charged only with arson of the office door of “United Russia?!” That is not enough even for a disorderly conduct charge.

And now there is every chance that he will get 20 years.

What is the mistake of Sentsov’s defense team? The fact that they failed to make the process so public? What else can be changed?

– Nothing. It is too late. I refused to sign a case non-disclosure agreement. But Sentsov’s defense counsel did.

Until July 9, 2014, Nikolay Shulzhenko was Savchenko’s attorney, but no one knew that she was in Russia. On July 10, I got a call from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, and they sent me a [legal services] agreement after our conversation. I am part of this case since July 11, 2014. A few days later, I asked Nikolai Polozov and Ilya Novikov to join, they are strong “proceduralists.” I am in charge of the [case] strategy.

Savchenko defense team lawyers Nikolai Polozov (L) and Ilya Novikov (R) flank Mark Feygin at March 1, 2015 Nemtsov/Savchenko rally in Moscow.

Savchenko defense team lawyers Nikolai Polozov (L) and Ilya Novikov (R) flank Mark Feygin at March 1, 2015 Nemtsov/Savchenko rally in Moscow.

So, if you were to go back to scenarios of the development of events, which ones are the most realistic in your opinion?

– This is a very good scenario under current conditions. She will be convicted, but the provisions of the Criminal Executive Code [of Russia] allow her to serve the sentence on the territory of Ukraine. She will be transported [back], and she will serve her sentence in Ukraine.

Recently, [Angela] Merkel has talked with Putin, and I am 100% sure that the question of Savchenko was part of that conversation.

The more Western leaders talk about it, the more likely the scenario I told you will come true.

The bad scenario is if she is convicted, and she will remain here to serve [her sentence]. She is not ready for this.

Nadiya during her May 11, 2015 court appearance. Screenshot from Hromadske.TV coverage.

Nadiya during her May 11, 2015 court appearance. Screenshot from Hromadske.TV coverage.

During the ten months working on this case, what were you able to understand about the system, the prospects, or your client?

– For me, Nadiya has become a symbol of rebellious Ukraine before Imperial Moscow. For me, Ukraine in general is associated with a woman.

What is the sacred meaning of this situation?

Savchenko is the essence and the face of the new Ukraine.

She has never been to Russia. She is part of a generation that has matured in independent Ukraine. They did not know the Soviet Union.

Nadiya has spent 24 years out of her 34 year-long-life in independent Ukraine. She has found her identity there.

She does not consider herself a part of the ‘brotherly people.’ She is a Ukrainian. And this is not a pose as [those] in Russia read it – it is her essence.

She, in every sense, parallels the popular image of a Ukrainian woman. She is quite suitable to the role of the wife of an UPA [Ukrainian Insurgent Army] fighter.

Her character is impulsive, energetic, and restless. A true Ukrainian woman is exactly like this.

Many misjudge her, believing that a female is something unnatural in the army. She is very feminine in her strength.

She is interested in things of purely female nature no less than military things.

Nadiya adheres to traditional Ukrainian views. She is a person of free beliefs. It is wrong to call her a Ukrainian nationalist. She is an anti-Communist, a person of free opinions, but she treats the liberal-left phenomena like Pussy Riot and Femen with skepticism.

She is very straightforward. She holds out nothing. She sometimes asks me fearfully, “And what will happen when I am released? How will I bear it all?” “You will endure [it] because you can,” I tell her. And she says, “And what if I suddenly don’t justify the trust?” Then you don’t justify the trust. Freedom – is a risk. I will defend her for as long as the [legal] process lasts.

I understand that this might be my last case. The FSB tell me that they are very unhappy with my behavior. They are looking into extremism charges [for me]. They do not want me to practice legal defense and [take on] major political cases …

You and Nikolai Polozov defended Pussy Riot. It was also a high-profile case, and you have been criticized for publicity, for excessive PR. Two years after the women’s release from a colony, Pussy Riot died as a phenomenon.

– Unlike Savchenko, Pussy Riot had no substance.

Their act was larger than themselves, just like many Russian commentators said. They just changed their clothes and colored their hair.

But the publicity also helped them. They, just like [Mikhail] Khodorkovsky, were allowed by Putin to go to the Sochi Olympics.

I envision that by saving Savchenko alone, there will be an opportunity to solve the problems of all the others.

I do not know what her future will be like. It is quite possible that when she gets back, she will create an organization for the protection of Ukrainian prisoners, she will go to the meetings at PACE and the Verkhovna Rada [Ukrainian Parliament] …

What, in your opinion, is Putin seeking by holding Ukrainians hostage?

– There is no logic nor elements of a crime in these arrests. It is an absolutely irrational decision. Putin has fear. And that is what motivates him to compromise.

When we worked on the Arctic Sunrise case, at one point I was told that it was necessary to withdraw from the case, and there will be some result. And so Putin dismissed the guys at the request of the President of Norway. And this gesture took place in time for the days of Russian culture in Norway.

American [Presidential] administration must get involved in Savchenko’s defense. Because the Normandy format does not seem to work, and we need the Geneva solution.

Putin himself really wants a new Yalta-2.

Of course, no one will negotiate with him about the redistribution of the world. The most that he can achieve – are negotiations. This does not mean that they will recognize the annexation of Crimea or give Donbas back. Even Merkel said there had to be a dialogue. Things will not resolve themselves.

Ukraine still needs to integrate into Europe. There is no other way. And if it needs to make territorial concessions, then it is must make them. Play long-term, not short-term.

If you play short-term, you’ll stay in this state for a long time. It is necessary to improve life now, to set an example of positive reforms.

I tend to think that the military atmosphere [in Ukraine] is good for reforms.

And what about Russia?

– There is no project in Russia. Crimea and Donbas are clear-cut stand-ins. If you look at the rate of emigration by the so-called creative class from Russia, the future looks bleak. All this social tension is unlikely to infuriate in an adequate manner. You see, Russia is now in such a state that it is quite easy to imagine Ramzan Kadyrov [Chechen dictator] as the new prime minister.

Kadyrov’s appointment could become the trigger. Or the second option – a social explosion caused by the economic decline. It is most likely that we can expect our own Donbas in Moscow.

I intend to stay and watch how everything will go down. I will be at the forefront. Pure eschatology.

Gold currency reserves are diminishing. I feel like saying to those who support the annexation of Crimea, “There will be no bridge in Kerch [one of the largest cities in Crimea].”

You were a member of [Russian] Parliament and stay in close contact with the opposition. Do you see them as a real force that could push society towards a new quest, an attempt to revise the [existing] social contract?

– I think that by my actions and words alone, I influence so much more. My role is a separate one. I was promoted to the Moscow City Duma.

I do not participate in coalitions; I consider them meaningless. At the moment, it is an imitation, flirting with the system.

The [legal] process of Savchenko and everything connected with it – the war in Ukraine and the drama of Crimea, they are much more important.

This process creates more new meanings than participation in regional elections in Kaluga or Novorossiysk [cities in Russia].

RiaNovosti archival photo.

RiaNovosti archival photo.


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Nadiya Savchenko Resumes Hunger Strike (letter from prison) #FreeSavchenko

Nadiya Savchenko via Mark Feygin, attorney
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

Letter written by Nadiya Savchenko and given to her lawyer Mark Feygin:

Nadiya Savchenko during March 26, 2015 court appearance


“Russian feed won’t do much good to a Ukrainian horse!”

I tried… But it [food] just won’t go down!

I can’t force the food down my throat when after eating a measly 100 grams of cheese, 20 grams of butter and 30 grams of sugar, you have to make a written statement that I did eat all that. It is as if they are collecting these statements like receipts, to bill Ukraine for the “expensive” upkeep of their people’s deputy!

Food sticks in your throat when you have to eat under the eye of three prison wardens and a doctor, and three video cameras rolling! And then they bring the scales and weigh you after every meal, as if you’re expected to gain a kilogram after eating 100 grams of food!

I cannot stomach Russian food! Even their water and air are poison to me!

I’ve become allergic – no-one can say to what, and no-one can cure it. All they can do is shove me with medicines. Maybe I’m allergic to Russia? To prison?!

I weigh 50 kg, sugar level 2.8, blood pressure 90×50, temperature 35.8.

I am being transferred from prison to the guarded department of a municipal hospital, with bargaining and agreements that I will start eating at least something once there…

I don’t know… I’m not sure I can force anything down…

Please don’t write me letters asking me to live and eat. Hunger is the only weapon I have to fight the lawlessness of Russian authorities. So don’t ask me to lay it down!

Free birds cannot live in prison! And in a foreign land, one can die from missing Ukraine alone.

Still alive! Always fighting!


[Signed] Nadiya Savchenko

See also: Savchenko to be hospitalized after tests “raise serious concerns for her health,

Source: Mark Feygin Twitter

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Information Resistance: Assessment (Infographic) – Threats in the East and South of Ukraine for 05/21. #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

Throughout 05.13. – 05.21.2015, the situation has somewhat improved in Luhansk region, due to the efforts of local (regional) authorities to tighten the entry and exit control in the ATO zone. At the same time, we are observing increased terrorist activity by the “LNR” [Luhansk People’s Republic] in the Ukraine-controlled part of the region (evidently, those are the terrorists’ attempts to “get revenge” on the Luhansk region governor for the measures he is taking). Overall, the situation in both Luhansk and Donetsk regions is steadily tense, with a high risk level of terrorist acts and sabotage, both by pro-Russian agents and sabotage and reconnaissance groups of Russian-terrorist forces infiltrating rear regions. The threat level in both regions remains maximum – 10 points [see scale on infographic below].

The situation in Odesa region is steadily tense (8 points). Actions classified as terrorist acts and sabotage (bombing of a railway bridge and the detonation of explosives in a utility well) took place on May 13 and 14; an unauthorized rally of pro-Russian activists was held on May 17. This points to further attempts by anti-Ukrainian forces to destabilize the situation in Odesa, after unsuccessful attempts to stage large-scale provocations during the May holidays. The situation did not benefit from the “second conference” of the “People’s Council of Bessarabia,” a fake separatist structure, which presented a “law bill” concerning the “national and cultural autonomy of the Bessarabian region.” This event, held at an unidentified location, was widely advertised by the Russian and anti-Ukrainian media.

The activity of anti-Ukrainian forces in Kharkiv region has somewhat increased. An important destabilization factor is the trial of Hennadiy Kernes [Mayor of Kharkiv]. The mayor himself and his close circle can see that the situation in the region tends to normalize, through the efforts of the regional-level authorities, law enforcement, the SSU [Security Service of Ukraine], and community organizing – whereas the trouble with justice remains a rather pressing issue for Kernes himself. Because of this, Kernes and his circle try to stay ahead by attempting to destabilize the situation. The rally in support of Kernes was prohibited, but the incident during the court hearing in Poltava, which was clearly provoked, showed that Hennadiy Kernes is capable of tactical command over some resources. This means that staged provocations can become Kernes’ tool, allowing him to keep the Kharkiv residents in the emotionally charged state that he requires. Overall, based on the assessment by the experts of the IR group, the threat of destabilization in Kharkiv region has increased over the past week, from 7 to 8 points.

The situation in other regions remains unchanged. In the nearest future, it is increasingly likely that Russian intelligence services and anti-Ukrainian forces will use the difficult socioeconomic state in Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhia regions to destabilize the situation (through rallies, protests, etc.). The main cause of this difficult socioeconomic state is overdue salaries: in Dnipropetrovsk region, the debt is in excess of UAH 106 million [c. USD 5 million] (third highest debt following the “warring” Donetsk and Luhansk regions), and in Zaporizhia region, UAH 63 million [USD 3 million].


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Dmitry Tymchuk: Military update 5.21 #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

Operational data from Information Resistance:

The activity of Russian-terrorist troops is moving from Donetsk towards Artemivsk. The positions of Ukrainian troops were shelled practically along the entire line of contact in this area – from Horlivka to Donetske. The activity of local terrorist gangs and Russian mercenaries has been observed near Mayorska station, the the settlements of Shumy, Artemove, Leninske, Kirove, Luhanske, Rozsadky, Myronivskyi, Popasna, Katerynivka, Zolote, where the positions and strongholds of Ukrainian troops were shelled.

On the PiskyAvdiivka stretch, the enemy used small arms and artillery (122- and 152-mm caliber), mortars (120- and 82-mm caliber) throughout the day. The positions of Ukrainian troops were also shelled in the vicinity of Opytne and Vodyane. The intensity and scope of attacks have increased in these areas.

The enemy has also mobilized several infantry firing teams within the past 24 hours near Kirove, Leninske, and Shumy to strike the positions of Ukrainian troops from AGS-17 automatic grenade launchers, large-caliber machine guns, and 82-mm mortars. Well-established and coordinated interaction between the  cannon artillery and mortar units of the insurgents operating in these areas indicates the presence of a single command structure.

On the seaside (Mariupol) direction, insurgents actively used small arms, mortars, and armored vehicles in the area northeast and north of Shyrokyne to strike the ATO forces positions (a terrorist tank group, on three tanks operating in the area, was forced to retreat after its positions were discovered and shelled by the ATO forces from mortars and heavy grenade launchers).

Insurgents have used 122-mm artillery (2C1 “Carnation” self-propelled howitzer and D-30 howitzer) in the vicinity of Shchastya, Lozove, and Luhanske.

Operating in small infantry teams, terrorists have attempted to advance at junctions and flanks of the positions and strongholds of the Ukrainian troops near Katerynivka, Lozove, and Shchastya. All their attempts have been thwarted by the response fire of the ATO forces.

South of Luhanske (near the settlement of Rozsadky), insurgents staged a “hunt” for the armored vehicles of Ukrainian troops. By placing and camouflaging detachments of anti-tank missile systems at selected firing positions beforehand, insurgents have opened fire from 120-mm mortars at civilian houses in the village, while maneuvering tanks near the Ukrainian troop advanced positions. Knowing that Ukrainian units will try to suppress the mortar fire aimed at the village, insurgents were prepared to fire at Ukrainian military equipment from the anti-tank missile systems [ATMS]. Having waited for the arrival of an ATO forces tank and a BMP-1, the terrorists made two unsuccessful launches with ATMS, after which Ukrainian troops inflicted firestrikes on their positions.

During the past 24 hours, the movement of 42 vehicles has been recorded. Areas south of Luhansk (in the direction of Krasnyi Luch, Sverdlovsk, and Krasnodon) have become main hubs of “transport activity,” as well as the stage between Alchevsk and Stakhanov up to Pervomaisk and Bryanka, the entire Donetsk [transport] junction (including Makiivka, Horlivka, and Yenakijeve), as well as an area on the OlenivkaDokuchajevskTelmanove stretch from Starobesheve and northern entrances to Novoazovsk and Bezimenne. In addition, the active movement of cargo army vehicles has been observed in the border areas with Russia – in Izvaryne, Amvrosiivka, and others (the majority [of vehicles come] from the territory of Ukraine to Russia). Russian border guards have inflicted repeated fire on these vehicles.

The following convoys drew our attention:

• 16 vehicles, including vans, all–terrain vehicles, and two new Russian BTR-82A APCs with armed men on the march towards Lutuhyne southwest of Luhansk.

• Six new armored tarped Urals on the march between Dokuchajevsk and Styla. The convoy also included a truck crane and two dump trucks.

Movement of military equipment and units:

• Another group of insurgents with armored vehicles arrived to the area of IrminoPervomaiskKirovsk (seven tanks and 12 ACVs –including seven BMP-2, two BMP-1 [one of them a command and staff vehicle built from a BMP) and three MT-LB tracked vehicles). The equipment is used to reinforce the “Prizrak” [Ghost] gang that operates in the area between Popasna and Novotoshkivske.

• The transfer of insurgents’  armored vehicles continues through Donetsk and Makiivka towards the area between Yasynuvata and the western positions of the “Horlivka garrison,” to the vicinity of ​​Spartak and to the Petrovskyi district of Donetsk. The following equipment and weapons are already accumulated in the Petrovskyi district of Donetsk – 44 tanks and 68 ACVs, a large number of vehicles and self-propelled artillery – 28 self-propelled guns, including eight 152-mm 2S19 “MSTA-S” self-propelled guns (as part of three tactical groups).

• The transfer of military equipment and weapons to the frontline continues from the direction of Ilovaisk and Snizhne (both delivered from Russia and repaired in local workshops). During the past 24 hours, the movement of six 2S1 “Carnation” self-propelled howitzers has been observed through Krasnyi Luch towards Chornukhyne, the movement of eight tanks (restored in workshops in Snizhne) and three ACVs – one BMP-2 and two BTR-80 has been recorded towards Donetsk through Zugres. Four military vehicles and weapons have been restored within the last three days in repair shops of Perevalsk and Alchevsk (two BMP-2 and two D-30 howitzers).

Source: Dmitry Tymchuk FB  

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Dmitry Tymchuk: Military update 5.20 #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

Operational data from Information Resistance:

During the past 24 hours, a sharp surge in the activity of Russian-terrorist forces has been recorded in Donbas. The number of fire strikes on the positions of ATO forces has increased; illegal armed groups have also made several unsuccessful attempts to break through the defense of the Ukrainian troops.

Russian troops and the terrorists fired from 152- and 122-mm artillery systems, 82-mm and 120-mm caliber mortars. They also used tanks, armored vehicles, all kinds and types of both light and heavy infantry weapons. In addition to the positions of ATO forces, the terrorists launched aimed fire onto [civilian] settlements.

The situation is heating up in the Artemivsk direction, where new insurgents units were earlier deployed to the flanks. During the past 24 hours, terrorists have fired at Ukrainian positions near Shyroka Balka, Luhanske, Zolote, Katerynivka, and Svitlodarsk.  

The situation in the area has been aggravated between the settlements of Popasna and Orikhove. Positions of Ukrainian troops and their strongholds succumbed to massive mortar and artillery bombardment practically along the entire length of this area, including the town of Popasna and the village of Katerynivka. During the long firefight with the ATO forces division defending Katerynivka, terrorists from the “Pryzrak” [Ghost] gang made an unsuccessful attempt to surround the stronghold from the flanks. Ukrainian troops promptly identified and stopped the advancement of the infantry units of this illegal armed group.

Russian-terrorist forces have escalated in the vicinity of ​​Hranitne, Novohryhorivka, and Starohnativka. The positions of Ukrainian troops were repeatedly fired at with 82- and 120-mm mortars and Zu-23-2 anti-aircraft twin-barreled autocannon. Four BMP-2 fired at a stronghold of the ATO forces from standard weapons in the vicinity of Trokhizbenka and Sokilnyky.

Shellings and firefights have also been recorded near Avdiivka, Krasnohorivka, Pisky, and Mariinka. A sharp increase in enemy sniper fire has been observed in several areas at once.

On movements of units and military equipment:

At least two 11-12-vehicle convoys with covered transport have been recorded moving through Luhansk towards Krasnodon and Rovenky. Later, another convoy of 20 vehicles, including three buses with armed personnel, has been observed heading in the same direction.

Transfer of military equipment, weapons and ammunition for the needs of insurgents continues through the railway stations of Krasnodon and Ilovaisk. The arrival of eight tarped platforms with tracked vehicles has been observed in Ilovaisk.

The transfer of four units of TOR-M1 surface-to-air missile systems and radar reconnaissance systems has been recorded in the area between Yenakijeve and Horlivka. The relocation of air defense systems (currently in the service of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation) was carried out without any disguise.

The movement of a mixed “mechanized infantry” company of insurgents with 14 ACVs has been observed on a highway between Starobesheve and Telmanove.

A group of Russian-terrorist forces in the vicinity of the Yasynuvata junction has been reinforced with two T-72 tanks, six BMP-2, two MT-LB and a “Strela-10″ SAM within the past 24 hours.

In addition, a significant movement of motor vehicles within Donetsk, mainly in the Kyivskyi and Petrovskyi districts of the city, as well as south of Luhansk between Dokuchajevsk and Olenivka has been observed.

A serviceman of the U.S. Army's 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team (R) trains Ukrainian soldiers during a joint military exercise called 'Fearless Guardian 2015' at the military training area in Yavoriv, outside Lviv, Ukraine, May 12, 2015. REUTERS/OLEKSANDR KLYMENKO. Source.

A serviceman of the U.S. Army’s 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team (R) trains Ukrainian soldiers during a joint military exercise called ‘Fearless Guardian 2015′ at the military training area in Yavoriv, outside Lviv, Ukraine, May 12, 2015. REUTERS/OLEKSANDR KLYMENKO. Source.

Source: Dmitry Tymchuk FB  

Posted in Dmitry Tymchuk, English, English News, South&Eastern Ukraine, War in Donbas | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Dmitry Tymchuk: Military update 5.19 #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

Operational data from Information Resistance:

Russian-terrorist troops in Donbas continue using heavy infantry weapons to shell the positions of Ukrainian troops and civilian objects (including heavy automatic grenade launchers, mortars, large caliber machine guns), also operating artillery systems.

In the seaside (Mariupol) direction, insurgents shelled the positions of Ukrainian troops near Shyrokyne using several 82-mm mortars similar to 2B9 “Vasilyok.”

Insurgents used the same weaponry to fire at positions of Ukrainian troops in the vicinity of Opytne and Vodyane.

Terrorists fired at the positions of Ukrainian troops near Mayorska station and the settlement of Avdiivka from 82- and 120-mm mortars.

In the vicinity of Pisky, Krasnohorivka, and the Butovka mine, insurgents actively use AGS-17 “Plamya” automatic grenade launchers and large-caliber machine guns similar to “Kord.” During shelling, the movement of several terrorist groups (up to 20-25 people each) has been observed in the direction of the Petrovskyi district of Donetsk.

Terrorists shelled Pisky, injuring two pensioners. Source.

Terrorists shelled Pisky, injuring two pensioners. Source.

In the vicinity of Luhanske, Lozove, Myronivskyi, Zolote, and Leniniske, terrorists are actively shelling the positions of Ukrainian troops from mortars (120-mm and 82-mm caliber) and other weapons (AGS-17 automatic grenade launchers, heavy machine guns NSV-12.7, “Utes,” and “Kord”; use of anti-aircraft cannons ZU-23-2 has been observed). The insurgent fire-strike groups are well coordinated in the Artemivsk direction.

Terrorist sabotage and reconnaissance groups continue to operate in the vicinity of Novotoshkivske ­­– Krymske and ShchastyaStanytsia Luhanska, supported by intense mortar and artillery unit fire. Also, the command of the Russian-terrorist forces does not cease attempts to make a breakthrough on the right flank of this stretch. All actions by insurgent gang formations are thwarted by ATO forces’  response fire.

Another enemy sabotage and reconnaissance group (up to 15 people) has been identified, during their attempt to infiltrate the tactical rear of Ukrainian troops, by combat outposts of the ATO near Troitske. The enemy sabotage and reconnaissance group made a tactical retreat as a result of the armed confrontation, returning to the territory controlled by terrorists.

There is a growing movement of terrorist formations at the forefront near Hranitne. Also, several fire strikes at positions of Ukrainian troops in the area have been observed (mostly from mortars and small arms) to cover up the regrouping of forces.

East to the MalomykolayivkaMyrneUspenka highway, insurgents launched several “combat training centers” and at least two reinforced battalions (one of them – a tank battalion). Large numbers of armored vehicles and artillery have accumulated in the area (up to 25 tanks (T-64 and T-72), 38 armored combat vehicles (various types, including BMP-1, BMP-2, and BMP-97 “Vystrel”), 22 MLRS, 16 cannon artillery guns (mainly D-30 howitzer), and 12 units of self-propelled artillery (howitzers 2S1 “Gvozdika” and 2S3 “Akatsiya”).

During the last 24 hours, we recorded approximately 40 insurgent vehicles moving throughout the occupied area. These were mainly individual cars or small (2-3 vehicles) supply convoys, and in less frequent instances, up to 5 vehicles. Cargo transport was moving the most actively in the vicinity of Luhansk and north of it, as well as from Krasnodon and Sverdlovsk towards Luhansk, Krasnyi Luch, and the Donetsk “hub.”

The following convoys merited particular attention:

– a motor convoy of 12 vehicles between Lutuhyne and Krasnyi Luch. The convoy included several specialized machinery units (one PZM-2 regimental ditching  machine, two IRM engineer reconnaissance vehicles, one BAT-2 trail builder, and one E-305 military excavator). The convoy proceeded in the direction of Debaltseve.

– on the Donetsk – Luhansk highway, in the vicinity of Yenakijeve (near the turn to Shakhtarsk), we spotted a convoy of 4 thoroughly tarpaulined trailers (according to our preliminary data, they were transporting TOR-M1 anti-aircraft missile systems), plus three trucks, and an escort of two BTR-80 armored personnel carriers.

Movement of armored vehicles and personnel:

– Four insurgent tanks and two BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles were spotted transferring to the area east of the Yasynuvata junction. The armored vehicles took camouflaged positions.

– Mortar details continue transferring to the Spartak area. Terrorists are using motor vehicles en masse: for lateral transportation of their personnel and equipment, as well as to rapidly increase the mobility and maneuverability of their firing groups. The prevailing majority of insurgent firepower with the highest resistance intensity has now been mounted on mobile platforms (mainly on trucks).

– A part of the insurgent armored group that had previously operated between Pervomaisk and Stakhanov has moved in the direction of Donetske and Frunze (the group includes 6 tanks and 6 armored combat vehicles). An insurgent group from Alchevsk (up to 80 personnel, on board of tanks and ACVs) was spotted in the vicinity of Bryanka.

– A terrorist infantry unit was transferred from Starobesheve to the vicinity of Olenivka (a total of up to 50 personnel, with two 120-mm mortars, three trucks, two BTR-80 APCs and two BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles).

– The terrorists are rotating their units in a number of areas in the Seaside (Mariupol) sector. Several groups of Russian mercenaries (up to 250 personnel organized in several “units”) arrived [in this sector] from the north and from Russia.

Source: Dmitry Tymchuk FB  

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