Nadiya Savchenko letter to Meduza: “You shouldn’t treat people like garbage” #FreeSavchenko

By Nadiya Savchenko, letter to Meduza special correspondent Ilya Azarvia via RosUznik post
Posted on 02.15.2016
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

In late December 2015, Meduza special correspondent Ilya Azar sent some interview questions to the Ukrainian servicewoman Nadiya Savchenko. Full answers from Savchenko, who is being tried in a Donetsk regional court (Rostov region) on charges of complicity in the murder of [two] VGTRK employees, could not be obtained. But Meduza received a letter from Savchenko, in which she painted a psychological portrait of Ilya Azar and explained why she refuses to answer the publication’s questions. The [Meduza] editors are publishing the background of this correspondence, as told by Azar, and the text of the Ukrainian pilot’s letter – in full.

• • •

Ilya Azar

Ilya Azar

The idea to interview Nadiya Savchenko came to me in late 2015. I forwarded my questions to her on December 23, through the Radio Svoboda correspondent Anton Naumlyuk, who has been continuously taping the trial in Donetsk. Time showed that getting answers was a difficult, almost hopeless, task.

A month later, on January 19th, Savchenko’s lawyer Nikolai Polozov tweeted: “Nadiya Savchenko has suggested that the network edition of Meduza, with their rotten questions about lawyers Feygin and Polozov, should ****  off [far away].” His colleague, Mark Feygin added: “Yes, specifically **** off [the same action].” Later it became clear that the lawyers had exaggerated the degree of Savchenko’s discontent.

The first letter from the pilot came on January 25th. In it, she wrote that she “spent four hours writing up her answers to all 33 questions,” but that she won’t hand them over just like that. “If I see the Meduza correspondent at the upcoming court sessions, and if I see any sincerity in that man’s eyes – whether his feelings towards me are positive or negative – I will give him the answers to his questions,” were Savchenko’s terms. She added that “the questions, of course, are worded in a strange and rather crude way,” but now she understands, “what kind of questions she can expect from her opponents.”

Initially, I was going to cover the final stage of Savchenko’s trial – the debate and the verdict. Nevertheless, I arrived in Donetsk a little earlier, and attended the February 1st and 2nd sessions, at which Savchenko was questioned in court (I also reported on that). I was able to talk with Nadiya in the courtroom only briefly. She asked me to pick five of the most important questions from my list. Somewhat taken aback by that, I replied that wouldn’t be enough – five answers won’t make an interview.

After the court session, Savchenko’s sister Vira explained to me that the questions I sent were provocative, and she had the impression that they might have been written by LifeNews TV channel. She suggested that out of the 33 questions, I choose ones that are the most important to me, which will make obvious my “true intentions.” Another person from Savchenko’s support team said that some questions – for example, about the residents of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic – were an insult to Savchenko as a military person.

After that, I wrote Savchenko a letter, attaching the same 33 questions, with the “most important” ones marked in bold. However, instead of answers from Savchenko, on February 12th I received a letter via “RosUznik,” which we [Meduza] have decided to publish in its entirety. The Ukrainian aviator herself says she is not against its publication, and the editors of Meduza feel that this letter is a far more interesting read than the hypothetical interview.

Nadiya Savchenko’s Letter

The author’s spelling and punctuation are preserved. At the trial, Savchenko noted that she learned Russian during her time in the Russian jail.

P.S. Sorry in advance for any mistakes in Russian.

Letter to the Editors of Meduza

Hello, Meduza!

Well, the whole interview business ended up being a right mess! 🙂 But now you will appreciate how difficult it can be, working with those who are in jail. How difficult it is to actually be in jail – that, of course, you won’t understand, until you try it yourselves… 😉 )

Firstly: not everything sent to and from the prison passes censorship. They let your questions in, but did not allow my replies out. You can see now that looking for ways around this isn’t that easy… Your second, personal letter, never made it to me. Which is a shame, since I was very interested in reading it.

But this process has dragged on, and I value and respect human labor. This is the way my parents taught me, ever since my childhood, and I understand what a journalist’s work is like, since I too, once studied to be a journalist, although not for long. So you will get something different, and, in my opinion, something more than an interview – you will get a live conversation [with me] in a letter.

From here on, I will address you as – I’m sorry that I never managed to find out your name – the bearded editor from Meduza. I hope that this in no way insulting or offensive to you. I just feel that this will make it easier for both of us to understand who we are talking about.

I have already written to you that I honestly answered all of your 33 (thirty-three) questions, and that the answers are currently with my sister. I wrote that your questions came across to me as a bit aggressive and crude, but I understand that [tone] as a personal journalistic style.

Nevertheless, I did not consider them [the questions] disgraceful, offensive, or dumb. I understand and appreciate the fact that the media’s job, or rather, its noble goal, should be to tell people the truth.

Telling the truth means relaying facts without your own personal speculations, understandings, or commentary. You don’t need to teach people to think “with their brains” by using yours, the journalists’ brains instead – let the people evaluate and understand everything with their own heads.

That, in my opinion, is what fair and open journalism is. Of which I see very little of lately, especially in Russia.

Therefore: in my previous letter to you, I answered two of your thirty-three questions and invited you to personally attend my trial.

Now to answer your question: why has the interest towards my case dwindled, and why is the trial attended by so few people and not covered by the Ukrainian mass media? [After attending the trial], you were able to see with your own eyes, make an assessment, talk to my colleagues from Ukraine, ask them about how difficult it is for them to receive accreditation in Russia – that provided a detailed answer to your own question.

I also included one condition in my letter: if I like you as a person, regardless of your attitude towards me, I will answer your questions. I observed you during the court session, and now I will take the liberty of presenting my conclusions in this letter:

1)  You are an arrogant man, accustomed to putting yourself above others, and you treat people like garbage. This was evident from the pose you assumed while sitting in the courtroom and by your facial expression reactions to the events of the trial.

2)  As a man, you are not a gentleman – this was clear from the fact that you did not offer your seat to a female journalist from Canada, who had no place to sit. She was so ingenuous and unassuming that she didn’t consider it beneath herself to simply kneel on the floor and sit there. Of course, it’s possible that she needed that exact angle for filming, and that she would not have sat in your seat. But as a well-mannered man, you were obliged to offer it to her. The women’s emancipated world is not an excuse for men to be cads.

3)  You don’t feel any sympathy or empathy, neither for Ukraine nor for its people, nor, generally, towards any other country or people, except for the specific place on Earth where you personally would feel good! You are a cynic.

All of my observations have revealed in you qualities that I do not consider those of a good man. But I am not a great psychologist, and could be wrong.

I have heard different things about you. Among the things that I liked was the fact that in your interview write-ups, you stay very close to the original speech of the person who gave you the interview, including everything that happens off the record, without censoring. I don’t know where this falls in terms of journalistic ethics, but everyone should understand that they are responsible for all their words – both on and off the record, and generally for every word they say in their life. A journalist is neither a medic nor a priest. So, I like this approach. If only you had also refrained from inserting your own commentary, but instead, included it as a separate note of your own personal opinion about someone. It is only fair that you should also be responsible for your words.

This is my personal opinion of what a journalist should be like, if they want to call themselves an honest journalist.

I’m not taking into account anything bad that I’ve heard about you, because I don’t judge a person by the words of other people until I get to know him personally.

I saw you, I heard about you, but I heard almost nothing from you. That was why I asked you in court: “Say something to me, so that I can see you!” – to use such a phrase.

I asked you to choose five questions from your list, ones that you think are the most important for your article. That would give me an understanding of how “dirty and sneaky” or how “honest and truthful” an article you would write. But, in principle, even your impassioned reaction to my proposal was already enough for me. You asked me, outraged and indignant: “Only five ?!”;) )) And now, without reading your second letter and not knowing which five questions you chose to ask me, I will try to guess them:

1) Am I happy with my lawyers? – with a side note that you believe they are too PR-oriented, and the mention of their participation in the Pussy Riot case.

2) My opinion of the Batkivshchyna party and of Yulia Tymoshenko, with an aside that you believe they used me as a bargaining chip to get elected to the Verkhovna Rada [Parliament] of Ukraine. 

3) My opinion of Putin as compared to Hussein. 

4) My attitude towards the fact that, in your opinion, the Ukrainian people are disappointed in Maidan, because corruption still exists in the country.

5) And maybe something about what I am going to do when I go into politics.

Amusing, isn’t it, bearded editor from Meduza? 🙂 Maybe I didn’t guess them all, but I’m sure I got at least three out of five questions right!

All these questions indicate that the article you will write is going to be rather cynical and despicable. But I cannot state this categorically, since I did not see your letter and your [chosen] questions.

So, basing my decisions on my conclusions above, I will answer the five questions I took the liberty of guessing.

1) I like my lawyers much more than you dislike them. And you do dislike them strongly, and, as I understand, the feeling is mutual.

2) I try not to judge the work of other people until I can do it better myself. This is why any judgments I could pass on the domestic and foreign policy of Ukraine, I could only make as one of my people. Now that I have become a politician, I will dare to criticize others as soon as I do better than them. Until I’ve done something [in that field], I will refrain from any empty claims!

3) I don’t think [form opinions] of people I don’t know. I didn’t know Hussein, and I don’t know Putin.

4) Maidan gave the Ukrainian people faith in themselves and their strength! The rest is a matter of time! We were not expecting an instant miracle! And we have no disappointment! Those who believe in themselves can do anything! Which definitely includes defeating corruption!

5) You will see it when I do it!

I promised that if I liked you as a person, I would give you answers to more than five questions, but I only liked one thing about you – and even that was from the words of others. That is not worth more than five answers.

Now, why did I make you attend my court session, even though you personally, bearded editor from Meduza, and, most likely, no one else from Meduza, was going to come there? Note that I succeeded in that. (Meduza note: Andrey Kozenko, a Meduza journalist wrote about the first sessions of the Savchenko trial).

Because I want to teach you that you shouldn’t treat people like garbage! You must have some respect for others’ feelings, and you can’t just throw thirty-three questions into a person’s face, through ten different third parties, without even including a few lines with greetings and thanks – and then expect that the recipient will fall over themselves to answer them for you!

I am a simple prisoner, and yet you had to do some legwork to get an interview from me. That is not because I’m hiking up my own worth, but because I want to increase the Human worth in your self-centered mind!

Even at war and in battle, I don’t view my energy as garbage! Even in prison, I try not to lose the Human in me!

Perhaps your second letter will change my opinion of you. If I see that I was wrong about you, I will apologize. For now, I allow you to use this letter as working material for your reports – in full or in part, whichever you like. I take responsibility for my words. But, just so that you understand how little I trust you, I am warning you: if your article fails to show in full extent the content and honesty of my words, then a copy of this letter will be published in full, unabridged. Copies will be sent to my sister via two channels.

02.05.2016
[signed] Nadiya Savchenko 

Ilya Azar’s full list of questions to Nadiya Savchenko can be read here

Source: Meduza 

Photo: Anton Naumlyuk

Photo: Anton Naumlyuk

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#Demotivator Valentine to all Ukrainian servicemen and women on the front lines

By Yury Rudenko
11.02.2015
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

We are sending this out today as a happy valentine to all of our incredible servicemen in the ATO and on the front lines in gratitude for all of your sacrifices and bravery. Words are not ever enough thanks, so we extend our heartfelt understanding for the conditions you find yourselves in and continued volunteer efforts to support you!

#demotivator

I am writing as a man who, four months ago, entered into an empty concrete hole in the ground, with no doors, in the centre of which was a hedgehog lying in a pile of shit.

Now we have light, Internet, a carpet on the floor and posters on the walls, a spare bomb shelter, a kitchen, satellite TV, a stove and a cat that keeps running away, our GAZ 66 is always ready to go, and it really is the fastest “shishiga” [slang term for a GAZ 66] in the whole brigade – minimal comfort, maximum safety on this stronghold that we have created with our own hands.

There are 5 of us in the ZU23-2 unit – all conscripts – and apart from food, weapons, a uniform and our wages, the government gave us nothing.

Pal, you got screwed as soon as you picked up your draft notice; you got into a moronic story, and how you live out this year now depends entirely on you. Whether you wander around half-drunk in pissed pants, or chat with the wife or lover after your shift on Skype, while sipping coffee – it’s your personal choice. Sure, there’s no question that there is almost no war here, and you can stagger and crawl around all the concrete in your underpants, but that’s the problem with danger – the war can happen at any moment; in February of last year the war glanced our way too – a Smerch, by the way, hit about 30 metres from our “apartment”…

That is precisely the problem, that having a heavily populated area in my gun sights, I can take out about 200 civilians with one pull of a lever, and then can pull on it again… (this is kind of about responsibility, is it something that just anyone is ready to take on?)..

Friend, you are screwed, accept this. The lack of warmth around your arse, and your living in shit is not the fault of Poroshenko and Muzhenko – it is in your interest to build comfort around yourself. It is the story of the guys from the 72nd , who managed to watch films on their laptop to distract themselves from the methodical shelling, and about the APC from that same brigade, which could get up to 90 km/hour, 90, “Carl“! It is the story of the guys from the 2nd National Guard battalion, who were watching mortar shells fall from their comfy sofa in a concrete bunker that they themselves built. It is even the story of an underground toilet from the 128th, where you could take a crap and survive maybe not nuclear war, but definitely a Grad shelling, and yes, it is the story of the “dogs of the regime” who were screwing around and spamming on the Internet from that “very peaceful” airport at the edge of the ATO.

On you and only on you, my hopelessly screwed friend, depends whether your APC, Ural or tank will crap oil underneath itself, whether it will let you down at a critical moment, whether your gun will jam because you never cleaned it, whether you will lose your mind in a dirty, crappy, windswept trench, only because you did not lift your arse to make it nicer there for yourself.

It depends on you whether locals will avoid you like the plague, because you are red-nosed and stink of alcohol, or whether they will shake your hand and give you nice things and throw flowers onto your armour, like for the guys from the 30th.

You can whine: ‘oh, what can I do, where can I get stuff?’… guys, this is not a man’s attitude, we have about 10 friends and volunteers to every soldier. Alas, it is our fate and karma, to make things nicer for ourselves, to seek, to ask, to obtain. Like the same 30th had half an UAZ full of stuff delivered by the New Post, and how the 101st got and continues to get lighting for the perimeter, how the 72nd got food back in the day. Alas, yes, we are all screwed, and we all have to do our best to survive, we have to either learn to write reports, nag the command–as one good friend of mine from the 92nd did–or to obtain stuff for yourself – or to die in shit.

We all really want to go home, we all miss our women, we all argue and yell at each other, we sometimes drink, but we all want to survive and to win the war.

We are all screwed, and the extent of how unbearable our lives are, depends solely on us.

Photo: Artemivsk, Feb. 14, 2015. Reuters.

Photo: Artemivsk, Feb. 14, 2015. Reuters.

Source: Rudenko Yury FB

 

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Dmitry Tymchuk: Military update 02.10 #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
02.11.2016
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

(See end of post for acronym glossary)

Operational data from Information Resistance:

While continuing to shell the ATO forces’ positions, Russian-terrorist forces in Donbas are continuously reconnoitering the battle formations of Ukrainian troops at the tactical level, using, among other means, drones and radioelectronic surveillance.

In the past 24 hours, militants fired at Ukrainian troop positions near Pisky, Opytne, and the southern outskirts of Avdiivka – shelling came from the direction of the Donetsk International Airport (DAP), the northern and western sections of Spartak, the Yasynuvata junction, and the areas of Vesele, Zhobunky and Vtoraya Ploshchadka. Apart from automatic small arms, terrorists used AGS-17’s and SPG-9’s, while near Pisky, the enemy also deployed mortars (82-mm mortars in two instances, and 120-mm mortars once).

Militant detachments deployed between the village of Michurina and Holmivskyi continue to actively fire on the ATO forces’ strongholds near Mayorsk and Zaitseve, as well as the stronghold southwest of Zhovanka. Firing is from the area north of the Terykonna station, Poselok 6-7 estate, the militant-occupied section of Zaitseve, and the western outskirts of Holmivskyi. Terrorists are using 82-mm mortars, heavy machine guns, and grenade launchers (AGS-17’s and SPG-9’s). A ZU-23-2 has also been observed in action.

Increased militant activity has been apparent in the coastal regions. Machine guns and 82-millimeter mortars were fired from the western and southwestern outskirts of Kominternove, from positions west of Zaichenko, and from Sakhanka. Shelling by ZU-23-2’s was noted several times. Three militant tanks and an armored fighting vehicle group (several BMP-2s) are positioned in the Kominternove area

Near Mospyne, a terrorist armored group (nine BMP-1’s and BMP-2’s, and three tanks) have been spotted moving in the direction of Donetsk. A six-piece battery of 122-mm 2S1 “Gvozdika” self-propelled guns has been noted in the same area.

“LNR” formations deployed opposite Shchastya are being rotated. In the past 24 hours, five trucks with personnel and six BMP-1’s and BMP-2’s have arrived at the location from Luhansk.

Terrorist “anti-tank troop units” stationed opposite Mar’inka are replacing their “Fagot” anti-tank missile complexes (wire-guided with a range of up to 2,500 m) with the more modern Russian “Kornet” anti-tank guided missiles (laser beam guided, with target tracking and a range of up to 5,500 m).

With large-scale command and staff exercises in terrorist “army corps” under way (see IR group’s yesterday’s military update), the “DNR” troop detachments and units not involved in the exercises, as well as most “LNR” formations, are on high alert. At the same time, the head of the “DNR” has signed “Order #16” calling for intensified shelling of Ukrainian forces’ positions in a number of directions, on sections where “1st DNR Army Corps” units are operating. The main purpose of the shelling is to provoke the ATO forces into returning fire using heavy weapons, and then accuse Kyiv of grossly violating the Minsk agreements. According to information obtained by the IR group, the “Order” stipulates this type of armed provocation in the areas of Horlivka, Mar’inka, Kominternove–Hnutove, and Kominternove–Talakivka.

A delegation of the “Security and Defense Committee of the DNR People’s Council” headed by the “Committee” chairman, Anatolyi Koval, is due to visit Moscow soon, for “consultations” with representatives of the Russian Presidential Administration and Russian Duma Defense Committee. The main purpose of the “consultations” is to discuss “the development of further mechanisms of cooperation” between the Russian “supervisors” and the “DNR” leadership. In particular, the “DNR” chieftains are dissatisfied with the reduced amounts and disrupted deliveries of supplies and financial “aid,” which became the case after the previous “supervisors” were replaced and supply channels reorganized.

The “DNR” leadership has issued an instruction to the “DNR Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting” (headed by Pavel Mikhalev) to take emergency action to block Ukrainian television and radio broadcasts in the occupied territories of the Donetsk oblast, and to extend the “DNR” television and radio broadcasts and Russian television to Ukraine-controlled territory. The instruction specifies that, if needed, the “committee” will request the necessary technical equipment from Russia. Currently, there are two militant-controlled television centers in Donetsk:

1) 61 Kuibysheva St., Donetsk. This center contains three individual telecommunications towers and three administrative buildings that house technical equipment, relay stations, etc. Tower #1 is designed to hold retransmission systems and, Tower #2, relay equipment. Tower #3 is used for redundancy. Towers #1 and #3 are currently not in use. In order to optimize electricity consumption, a high-capacity transmitter (1 kW) was removed from Tower #1, installed on Tower #2 and currently broadcasts the “Union” television channel. Tower #2 also contains radio transmitters beaming radio broadcast signals to Ukraine-controlled parts of the Donetsk oblast, on the following FM frequencies: 92.3, 96.1, 98.6, 99.0, 99.4, 100.0, 100, 5, 100.7, 101.2, 101.6, 102.0, 102.6, 104.1, 104.7, 105.5, 106.4, 107.6 to 106.8.

Donetsk telecommunications mast

Donetsk telecommunications mast

2) Pikhotna St., Donetsk. This center includes a telecommunications mast and a single administrative building housing technical equipment. Mounted on the center’s mast are powerful TV relay transmitters (10 kW, for the “Rossiya 24” TV channel; 1 kW for the “Union” TV channel; 500 W for the “Oplot” TV channel and others, such as “Rossiya 1,” “Novorossiya,” “NTV,” “TNT,” “Zvezda”). These transmitters enable Russian TV channels to be broadcast to Ukraine-controlled parts of the Donetsk oblast. A twin transformer power source with total capacity of about 1,000 kW is installed at each facility.

Source: Dmitry Tymchuk FB

Glossary:
ACV – armored combat vehicle
AGS-17 – automatic grenade launcher
ATO – Anti-Terrorist Operation
BMP – infantry fighting vehicle
BTG – battalion tactical group
BTR, APC – armored personnel carrier
BRDM – armored reconnaissance and surveillance vehicle
BRM – armored reconnaissance vehicle
DAP – Donetsk International Airport
DNR – “Donetsk People’s Republic”
DRG – sabotage and reconnaissance group
KSM – command and staff vehicle
LNR – “Luhansk People’s Republic”
MT-LB – light multipurpose tracked vehicle
MLRS – multiple-launch rocket systems
SPG-9 – stand-mounted grenade launcher
ZU-23-2 – anti-aircraft artillery system

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Dmitry Tymchuk: Military update 02.10 #FreeSavchenko

information_resistance_logo_engDmitry Tymchuk, Head of the Center for Military and Political Research, Coordinator of the Information Resistance group, Member of Parliament (People’s Front)
02.10.2016
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

(See end of post for acronym glossary)

Operational data from Information Resistance:

Russian-terrorist troops in Donbas continue active shellings (small arms, grenade launchers, mortars, anti-aircraft systems, on-board guns of armored vehicles), land reconnaissance in a number of sections, mine-laying (by DRGs), and sniper attacks.

During the past 24 hours, terrorists repeatedly used automatic small arms and grenade launchers (including stand-mounted AGS-17 and SPG-9) to fire on the ATO forces’ positions on the stretch between Pisky and Zaitseve. Near Butovka, the enemy deployed SPG-9’s and small arms. In the vicinity of Pisky, militants used two 82 mm automatic mortars (“Vasilek” 2B9 or similar), firing from the private residences area in Vtoraya Ploshchadka, while heavy machine guns and AGS-17’s were used from positions near Vesele. The area around Zaitseve and the Zhovanka river was shelled from two directions, including Holmivskyi (AGS-17’s and small arms). Detonation of 82 mm mortar rounds was also recorded near the ATO stronghold south of Mayorsk.

Militants actively shelled the areas of Opytne and Avdiivka from the direction of the DAP, Spartak, and the Yasynuvata junction, using heavy machine guns and SPG-9’s.

In the vicinity of Krasnohorivka and Mar’inka, the enemy deployed armored vehicles and mortars (82 mm and 120 mm). Near the [destroyed] children’s foster home (Mar’inka), terrorists used AGS-17’s and heavy machine guns, firing from a BTR-80. A militant armored group of three BMP-2’s moved from the Abakumov neighborhood towards Staromykhailivka. After taking positions north of the settlement, one of the BMP’s opened fire from its on-board 30 mm automatic gun.

The enemy opened fire from 82 mm mortars from the direction of Sanzharivka, shelling the area around Rozsadky and Skeleve. Mortars were also used to shell Ukrainian troop observation points and strongholds east of Troitske.

Near Shyrokyne, militants used small arms, mortars, grenade launchers, and a mobile ZU-23-2. Northeast of Talakivka, a mortar shelling by the enemy was recorded (82 mm mortars).

Enemy sniper groups are operating in the area of Mar’inka and from Shyroka Balka (the latter ones are targeting the ATO forces’ positions northeast of Novoselivka).

A unit of Russian Armed Forces servicemen arrived in Krasnyi Luch. The personnel is arriving in groups of 10-15 men, on board of vehicles. As of the morning of 02.10.2016, a total of one company’s worth has arrived (up to 100 personnel). Armored vehicles are being transferred separately: some 15 ACVs (BTR-70, BMP-2, MT-LB).

“DNR” armed formations are actively conducting military training. Continuous tactical field exercises on the grounds of the “training centers” are being held, aimed at improving unit coordination and practicing cooperation between motorized rifle units and mechanized forces in combat conditions. Between 02.09. and 02.11.2016, the “DNR” leadership are conducting large-scale command-staff exercises (mainly involving formations and units deployed in Donetsk and Horlivka). “DNR” “motorized rifle brigades” Numbers 1, 3, 5, and 100 are taking part in the training.

The “Somali” storm unit (headed by Mikhail “Givi” Tolstykh) also held a series of battalion tactical exercises aimed at practicing combat operations in an urban setting with armored vehicle support. The training was held on the grounds of abandoned and destroyed facilities in industrial areas of Donetsk.

The heads of the “DNR Ministry of Defense” developed an action plan (which is, as of now, already approved by Oleksander Zakharchenko [Head of the “DNR”] and the Russian “supervisors”) for provocations, to be carried out by militants along the contact line, specifically, on the Mar’inka–Krasnohorivka, and Kominternove–Pyshchevyk stretches. The provocations, aimed at forcing the Ukrainian Armed Forces units to open fire, are planned for the day before the February negotiations of the “Normandy Four” (planned to be held in Munich at the end of this week).

At a meeting with the division heads of the “DNR Ministry of Revenues and Duties,” the “minister” Oleksander “Tashkent” Timofeyev announced that the “ministry” employees are not allowed to discuss official matters via mobile communication serviced by Ukrainian operators. The only allowed mobile operator is “Feniks” (the “DNR republican communication operator”). Tymofeyev threatened immediate arrest and charges of “treason” to any “tax official” caught using the [SIM] cards of Ukrainian operators.

Employees of the Telmanove district administration (in the “DNR” controlled part of the district) received an order to start active preparation for the “local elections.” Staffing of election commissions and candidate selection are underway. After the “people’s council of the DNR” passes the so-called “law on elections,” the existing groundwork will be altered to fit its norms. At the same time, Russian “supervisors” ordered the “DNR” chieftains to activate efforts aimed at creating the “ideological base of the republic.” To this end, a so-called “Ideological Forum” will be held in Debaltseve in the second half of February. The forum will be attended by the heads of the “ministries of the DNR” and political consultants from Russia. The plan is to develop the main ideological principles of the “republic” and the directions for popularizing said ideology.

Source: Dmitry Tymchuk FB

Glossary:
ACV – armored combat vehicle
AGS-17 – automatic grenade launcher
ATO – Anti-Terrorist Operation
BMP – infantry fighting vehicle
BTG – battalion tactical group
BTR, APC – armored personnel carrier
BRDM – armored reconnaissance and surveillance vehicle
BRM – armored reconnaissance vehicle
DAP – Donetsk International Airport
DNR – “Donetsk People’s Republic”
DRG – sabotage and reconnaissance group
KSM – command and staff vehicle
LNR – “Luhansk People’s Republic”
MT-LB – light multipurpose tracked vehicle
MLRS – multiple-launch rocket systems
SPG-9 – stand-mounted grenade launcher
ZU-23-2 – anti-aircraft artillery system

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“The release of prisoners cannot be subject to bargaining,” – human rights activist Matviychuk

Radio Svoboda [Liberty]
02.09.2016
Translated and edited by Voices of Ukraine

“If France and Germany take a hard line that prisoners may not live until tomorrow, we will have a chance to free them.”

Oleksandra Matviychuk, chairman of the Center for Civil Liberties

Oleksandra Matviychuk, chairman of the Center for Civil Liberties

Kyiv – Ukraine should take a tough stance together with its foreign partners, during the next “Normandy Format” meeting, and insist on the unconditional and immediate release of prisoners who are now in the occupied territories. The humanitarian mission is the prime and most important task of the Minsk agreements, the Head of the Center for Civil Liberties, Oleksandra Matviychuk stated on Radio Svoboda.

– International humanitarian law applies to these relationships, which sets the standards of behavior for civilians and combatants, and the rules for the use of means and methods of warfare. In the Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, a categorical imperative is contained, which states that under no circumstances are prisoners of war to be tried by any court which does not provide the required, generally-accepted guarantees of independence and impartiality. It is worth saying here that we conducted research and interviewed 160 people released from places of captivity in the occupied Donbas, we are fully aware that one simply can’t say that any of the courts there have any guarantees of independence and impartiality in their “judicial proceedings.” There was only one figure – 100% of the people we interviewed, had no access to legal protection, they had neither a lawyer nor even a man who would come and call himself a lawyer.

– Iryna Herashchenko: the responsibility for the fate of Ukrainian prisoners lies with Russia. Besides negotiations, and the declarations of authorities at the highest international level, what more can the Ukrainian side do for the release of Ukrainian prisoners?

– I agree that these puppet regimes of military dictatorship are controlled by the Russian Federation. You can see those who feed these regimes, how much Russia spends each month for their maintenance, respectively, who gives the orders and what is done with the leaders of the illegal armed groups that step out of the central [power] vertical, I have in mind the liquidation of “Batman” and other such odious individuals. I think that Ukraine should make efforts to consolidate and strengthen the position of its international partners to put pressure on the Russian Federation.

The main thing that we, as human rights organizations, are now demanding from Ukraine, as well as from France, from Germany, and, of course, from the Russian Federation as members of the “Normandy Format” – is the implementation of the Minsk Agreement paragraph on the release of prisoners of war and illegally detained persons without any reference to other points in the agreement. We say that this should be done immediately. And in no way should it be dependent on an amnesty or elections, as the representatives of the illegal armed groups and the Russian Federation are doing in the negotiations. If France and Germany take a hard line that prisoners may not live until tomorrow and that’s why this condition should be implemented immediately – we will have some chance for their release.

– Nadiya Savchenko’s lawyer Mark Feygin wrote that he does not believe in the court’s acquittal of his defendant, however, he said, the Kremlin can get out of the situation by returning her to Ukraine [to presumably serve her sentence] after the verdict. How do you assess the probability of exchange even in the results of such formal “courts”?

– It’s worth implementing two things here when we speak of courts in the Russian Federation and when we speak of the illusory “courts” in the [occupied] territories of the individual regions of Donetsk and Luhansk. According to our research, this is totally a “gray area.” If in the Russian Federation some simulacra exist: there is an institution with a sign on which is written “court,” there is a person who calls himself a judge, there is some legislation that is broken, but it exists, and there is a process, although everyone knows that the verdict comes from above and this man in the mantle does not decide anything; but in fact, the court is in process and one can even attend the hearings. So in this “gray area” there are no general institutions that have even a hint of human rights, or rules that could be applied, which exist.

– Therefore, a compliance even to such formalities as the “court” still, in your opinion, will not help the exchange and the release of these people held in captivity?

– This is the easiest way, to release them within the Minsk agreements. We do not consider the agreements as an algorithm for peace-building, but as a temporary tool for a ceasefire and the resolution of specific humanitarian issues. The release of hostages is one of the most urgent humanitarian issues.

Source: Radio Svoboda

 

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